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Thursday 26 May 2011

Ahmadinejad VS Khamenei till the END !


ISDCI
Cartoon: Nikahang Kowsar

Another faceoff at the highest levels of the Iranian regime, this time between Khamaneie and Ahmadinejad, has made the regime more vulnerable than ever before.
The intrinsic totalitarianism in mullahs' backward ideology, cannot allow for power sharing, especially at the top. Only the Supreme Leader, who represents God on earth, can have all the power. His opponents are Moharebs (ones who wage war on God).

For this reason, the Iranian regime has experienced repeated divides through its ranks since the 1979 revolution. This is tearing the regime apart.

The last split happened during the 2009 elections in which Khamanei deposed of a major faction of his regime. During the 1980s when Khamanei was himself president, Mir-Hossein Mousavi was his Prime Minister. He could never be considered an outsider.

Now Ahmadinejad, the president whom Khamanei supported so dearly during the 2009 crisis against his rival Mousavi, has turned on him.

It all started when Ahmadinejad removed one minister from his cabinet. Obviously, he considered himself to be in control of his own cabinet. Not really, said the Supreme Leader, reinstating back the minister. Ahmadinejad disappeared from public view for 10 days, and on return, he let go of some other ministers, mocking the Supreme Leader... The quarrel continues.

Mullahs' regime inability to cope with growing popular discontent and fear of downfall has intensified the infightings. The infighting is the reflection of uprisings and popular discontent which has led to Khamanei losing his clout.

The simple fact that Ahmadinejad has dared to stand against Khamanei shows that the Supreme Leader has lost his influence. His actions are the other side of the coin to the street demonstrations and chants of "Death to Khamanei" by the Iranian youth.

We are delighted to present you with the current issue of Iran Update, a publication of International Solidarity for Democratic Change in Iran (ISDCI

World Tribune

Iran power struggle: Ahmadinejad vs Khamenei vs the will of the people

By Fariborz Saremi

The balance of power in Iran’s ruling hierarchy seems to be shifting rapidly away from President Ahmadinejad, who is only too aware that the high command of the Islamic Republic Guard Corps is still, and likely to remain, loyal to Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei, Iran’s spiritual leader.
President Ahmadinejad would appear to have lost the backing of Ayatollah Khamenei, his erstwhile patron, having helped to ensure that Ahmadinejad was re-elected in 2009. In fact the setbacks that the president has suffered in the leadership power struggle with the country’s supreme leader threaten his ability to last out his second term.
Recently the most senior and conservative clerics have indeed become more bold in their attacks on the president and his strongest allies, his chief of staff, Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei and ex-executive deputy, Hamid Baghaei. They have directly criticized Ahmadinejad’s and Mashai’s attempts to mobilize Iranians strong sense of nationalism by exploiting historical and religious symbols. For example, the clerics and the IRGC took umbrage at the president for publicly celebrating the Persian New Year in March.

President Ahmadinejad would appear to have lost the backing of Ayatollah Khamenei, his erstwhile patron, having helped to ensure that Ahmadinejad was re-elected in 2009 In fact the setbacks that the president has suffered in the leadership power struggle with the country’s supreme leader threaten his ability to last out his second term.
Recently the most senior and conservative clerics have indeed become more bold in their attacks on the president and his strongest allies, his chief of staff, Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei and ex-executive deputy, Hamid Baghaei. They have directly criticized Ahmadinejad’s and Mashai’s attempts to mobilize Iranians strong sense of nationalism by exploiting historical and religious symbols. For example, the clerics and the IRGC took umbrage at the president for publicly celebrating the Persian New Year in March.

Moreover Ahmadinejad and Mashai have come under increasing and fierce personal attacks for their perceived corruption. They have even been accused of betraying the spirit of the revolution, and worse still of working on behalf the USA. Their cause has been much weakened by the arrest of close supporters of Mashai.

The president’s authority is waning on a broad front. On the one hand, some of his most prominent supporters in the 2009 election have turned away from him including, for example, his spiritual mentor, Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi. Others, on the other hand, have openly attacked him incluidng Ayatollah Ahmad Jenati, a close ally of the leader and head of the Guardian Council.

Ahmadinejad now finds it difficult to assert his political will. He was forced by the Supreme Leader in the presence of the parliamentary chief, Ali Larijani, to abandon his efforts to streamline his government.
Similarly, Ayatollah Khamenei ordered Ahmadinehad to reinstate Intelligence Minister Haidar Moslehi in April, after dismissing from his post shortly before.

On the popular front the president has opened himself up to widespread resentment by removing long-standing and expensive subsidies on food, fuel, and other essentials in an attempt to counteract deficits caused by the global economic situation and more especially by international sanctions. According to some analysts even the threat of revolts or a popular uprising are acute as a result.

With respect to the further course of this dispute between President Ahmadinejad and Supreme Leader Khamenei, it would seem that Khamenei has the upper hand.

While the President is relying on having the position of Supreme Leader removed from the Republic’s Constitution once Ayatollah Khamenei is dead, Khamenei and his allies within the leadership of the IRGC have been undermining his position by having his inner circle arrested, just as they did with many of the associates of Mousavi,Karoubi,Khatami or Rafsanjani.

It must be remembered, however, that the body of IRGC and the lower ranks are nationalistic and might in the near future stand up against both wings to free the people from tyranny.

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